Only a unionism energised by progressive ideas can firmly safeguard Northern Ireland, and its place in the union.

Posted on: 29 June 2021 by William Ennis in Progressive Unionist Party

The reasons for this are as follows.

The progressive politics of the centre-left supports the vulnerable, and if embraced by unionism – could recapture lost unionist seats.  A unionist agenda of liberal tolerance would allow unionism to compete for the next generation of post-conflict voters.  Also, a more left-leaning unionism would result in an increase in pro-union influence in areas of society such as the trades-union movement.

The progressive politics of the centre-left supports the vulnerable.  This stability provides peace, and incentive to maintain friendship and union throughout the UK regions.  It was a left of centre agenda which provided free at the point of service healthcare and the economic safety net of the welfare state and is therefore the most beneficial avenue for defending the union (Sommerlad, 2020).  It may be argued that wealthy Northern Irish people would be made uncomfortable by a left-of-centre agenda as it inclines toward taxation and public spending.  However, the infrastructure which can be improved can attract investment and capitalise more of the population, leading to a healthier economy (Economics Online, 2021).  And the more stable the economy the less inclined one might be to advocate fracture of the union.  This would lead to improved unionist electoral success.

Progressive politics - if embraced by unionism – could recapture lost unionist seats.  The Westminster parliamentary seats of North Down, South Belfast, and North Belfast all recently ceased to be in unionist hands (McCormack, 2019).  In each case the successful candidates were representing political agendas to the left of the unionist candidate(s), making evident unionism’s need to realign from the right.  It could be argued that the ‘tribal head-count’ element of Northern Irish elections makes such analysis irrelevant; that the nationalist versus unionist paradigm alone decides who will win such seats.  However, even if that is the case (and the argument for that assertion is not compelling), then it still does not negate a potential unionist strategy of re-aligning to a central-left position, as any unionist voter who demands only that their candidate be a unionist would still be satisfied.  In selecting a centre-left, unionist candidate electors inclined to the left of centre and not entirely averse to unionism as an ideal would be given a choice.  This introduces the theme of inclusion.

A unionist agenda of liberal tolerance would allow unionism to compete for the next generation of post conflict voters (Wright, 2021).  Northern Ireland, like many areas around the world which has been the subject of political violence has seen intense debate, and indeed conflict regarding the identity of the individual.  Should unionism embrace a political culture of tolerance, particularly (although not exclusively) regarding the individual’s freedom to celebrate their Britishness, Irishness, or Northern Irishness, then this relaxation would make unionism’s perceived understanding of Northern Ireland immediately more welcoming for those not of a traditionally unionist background.  Should unionism overtly unfold this respectful tolerance to all communities not traditionally unionist then the fundamental arguments for the union might be more clearly heard (Wright, 2021).  It could be argued that some other sections of society are not tolerant of unionism, or of its cultural expression, loyalism; and on those grounds, respect is not owed.  However, a counterargument might be, what better way to expose the intolerance of those elements than for unionism to simply raise its game in this regard.  A more tolerant unionism therefore would be more effective in its highlighting of the benefits of the union.  And to highlight the benefits of union, unionist influence could be expanded.

A more left-leaning unionism would result in an increase in pro-union influence in areas of society such as the trades-union movement.  The perceived, existing, conservative culture of unionism, and the firmly conservative inclinations of those currently at its apex can result in an ‘arms-length’ relationship with the trades-union movement.  This – it could be argued – results in the unionist lobby having reduced influence in the labour movement.  As this movement is a large part of (particularly working-class) society, this may create isolation and disenfranchisement of workers from traditionally unionist backgrounds.  As society transitions from one post-conflict generation to the next this incongruence may incline a young worker not actually averse to the idea of Northern Ireland’s place in the union away from unionist politics.  A more left-leaning unionism could rectify this, and in doing so extend its own influence.  It may be argued that a significant element within the trades-union movement is overtly anti-unionist, and so unionists would be unwelcome.  However, that argument is not compelling, and even if it were, this would make increased unionist participation more necessary, not less so.  A more progressive unionism would increase the degree of unionist perspective and allow anti-unionism to be more frequently, and more directly challenged. 

In conclusion, the progressive politics of the centre-left supports the vulnerable, stabilises society, and therefore stabilises the union. The progressive politics of the centre-left – if embraced by unionism – could recapture lost unionist seats.  This is made evident by the trend of unionist politicians losing their elected offices not to the right, but to the left.  A unionist agenda of liberal tolerance would allow unionism to compete for the next generation of post conflict voters.  The freedom of allowing a person to embrace who they are can reposit what the union should be, freedom.  Also, a more left-leaning unionism would result in an increase in pro-union influence in areas of society such as the trades-union movement.  A more progressive unionist family would have its voice heard and utilised more effectively. 

References

Economics Online. (2021). Fiscal Policy. Retrieved from Economics Online: https://www.economicsonline.co.uk/Global_economics/Fiscal_policy_government_spending.html#:~:text=Public%20spending%20can%20improve%20the%20infrastructure%20of%20an,its%20own.%20Public%20spending%20can%20generate%20positive%20externalities

McCormack, J. (2019, December 13). General Election 2019. Retrieved from BBC News: https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-northern-ireland-50776241

Sommerlad, J. (2020, July 3). NHS at 72. Retrieved from Independent: https://www.independent.co.uk/news/health/nhs-70th-anniversary-founding-labour-aneurin-bevan-clement-attlee-welfare-state-british-history-a8407471.html

Wright, T. (2021, February). Unionism would have a better future if it rediscovered its heritage in standing up for human rights. Retrieved from Slugger O'Toole: https://sluggerotoole.com/2021/02/13/time-unionists-rediscovered-their-own-heritage-in-standing-up-for-human-rights/